Are We Moving Toward a National Primary?

In my 2018 Book, Reforming the Presidential Nominating Process: Front-Loading’s Consequences and National Primary Reform, I argue that from the perspective of party members, the only way to ensure the full, timely and meaningful participation of all voters is to reform the current sequential and front-loading presidential primary calendar. 

The national primary solution is one which has been long-resisted as politically impractical. However, in their effort to gain greater influence in the modern (post-1968) nominating process, the states routinely jockey for earlier or more advantageous calendar positions, hoping to maximize their voters’ voice in the selection of presidential nominees. This phenomenon has created a front-loaded calendar in which voters in the early-state contests exert outsized influence and more states schedule contests toward the beginning of the contest window. 

In his recent piece in the New York Times, Nate Cohn argues that the 2020 nominating calendar is moving ever-closer to a national primary. Relative to 2016, the 2020 calendar is more heavily front-loaded. There are fewer contest dates, fewer caucuses, an end-calendar line-up of relatively rural states, and an earlier close to the nominating phase. The earlier shift of key states, particularly California and Texas, additionally make the early primary electorate more representative than in past cycles. (Cohn looks specifically at the share of African-American voters by primary date relative to 2016). California and Texas will hold their 2020 presidential primaries on March 3, also known as Super-Tuesday (the earliest allowable date for most states to hold contests under the timing rules set by the national political party organization). (The other states scheduled for Super-Tuesday include Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Maine, Massachusetts, Minnesota, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Utah, and Vermont. The South Carolina and Virginia Democratic party-primaries will also be held on that date). The number and geographic diversity of contests makes Super-Tuesday, with nearly 1/3 of both parties’ delegates at stake, a pseudo-national event. By contrast, the contests scheduled for April 28 (which include Connecticut, Delaware, Maryland, New York, Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island, along with the Virginia Republican primary) are a more-regionalized event. 

The net effect of the 2020 calendar, Cohn argues, is a nominating process that is more geographically balanced, faster, and demographically representative. A look at the weekly allocation of delegates in the figures below highlights Cohn’s point that the schedule has compressed more contests into fewer dates. For both parties, March 3 (Super-Tuesday), March 17, and April 28 stand out as high-stakes delegate caches in which several big and battle ground states are up for grabs. These 3 dates simulate mini-national primaries – forcing candidates to simultaneously compete in more (and large states) holding contests on the same day.  As Cohn notes, the compression of contests forces candidates to adapt strategies more akin to a general election campaign as opposed to the retail politics that takes place in small, or early contests where the extended focus is on much smaller slice of the electorate.  

Cohn also points out that the number of states holding primaries in 2020 is greater than in past cycles. As tracked in the gray-bar in the figure below, 45 states will hold primaries in 2020, 47% of which will be on or before March 15. 

Conventional wisdom holds that caucuses, which are meetings of party members, tend to favor outsider candidates. In the lower turnout caucuses retail (personalized) style politicking is more efficacious for candidates who may be lagging in name recognition or financial resources. By contrast, in primaries where the turnout is higher, candidates must adopt campaign strategies to reach wider swaths of party voters with greater reliance on costly media advertising.

Moreover, caucuses are comprised of a smaller-base of party faithful (i.e. more ideologically extreme) while primaries include a broader spectrum of party voters. Thus, the higher number of primaries rewards more moderate candidates who have higher name recognition and greater resources – again approximating and requiring candidates to adapt strategies more in line with what we would expect to see with a national primary (i.e., when competing in multiple contests simultaneously).

But while 2020 is more front-loaded relative to 2016, it is actually less so than in recent past cycles. A look at the number of states holding primaries on or before March 15 reveals greater front-loading in the 1996-2008 cycles. Charting the growth of Super-Tuesday similarly shows a peak of the front-loading phenomenon in the 1996-2008 nominations. In 2008, 51.42% of pledged Democratic delegates and 50.71% of Republican delegates were chosen on February 5 (Super-Tuesday). Super-Tuesday was also, notably in February – the earliest date on which the big-prize day ever has been held. The pace of front-loading in 2008 led to fears of a defacto national primary, thereby prompting the national parties to coordinate to push back the start and spread out the sequence of the 2012 contests by offering bonus delegates (Democrats) and winner-take all rules (Republicans) for states willing to schedule later contests.  

The Iowa and New Hampshire Juggernaut

Despite the acceleration and compression of the calendar, so long as the parties retain a sequential calendar in which a handful of states enjoy a privileged position of voting first and early, accompanied by crowding within first-part of the window, we  are still a long-way off from a truly national primary in which all contests would be held on the same day (a same-day national primary) or at the very least where all states have an equal chance of participating an early and influential date that affords their voters a meaningful choice – that is, the opportunity to vote on a full slate of candidates before earlier contests have winnowed the field, or worse, have already mathematically determined the nomination (i.e. some form of a rotating, regional primary).

The major impediment to a truly national primary is the lock enjoyed by the early, carve-out states, most notably Iowa and New Hampshire. The now-coveted status of holding the first-in-the-nation contests was the result of Iowa and New Hampshire having had traditionally early nominating dates that were granted waivers under the post-1968 rules. As early as 1976, candidates had adopted strategies that focused heavily on these early contests as means of building early-win momentum.

Reaping the advantage of the focused attention on their state’s contests (in the form of campaign visits, media coverage, policy concessions, and revenue), Iowa and New Hampshire have since fought bitterly to retain their privileged status. In 2008, acquiescing to demands to include states with more geographical and demographic diversity to the pre-primary window, the Democratic Party added the Nevada caucuses and the South Carolina party-primary as two additional carve-out states exempted from the timing rules. The push by other states to move forward – most infamously challenges by Florida and Michigan in 2008 to leapfrog and crowd the early states – have been firmly rebuffed by the national party organization through the imposition of delegate penalties at the national conventions. 

Early State Strategies in 2020

In the 2016 cycle, there were some signs that the primacy of these early states was slipping as several candidates skipped the Iowa straw polls and associated campaigning opportunities to attend fundraising events in the upcoming Super-Tuesday states. Split-decisions in which the early state outcomes have gone for different candidates (as opposed to breaking in the same direction) have also arguably diluted the power of these first contests to shape the nomination. Where the early state contests are a wash, attention quickly moves on to Super-Tuesday.

As Cohn notes, the sequence of the contests matters. The sequence of contests varies with the dynamics of each nominating cycle, including state-scheduling decisions and candidate strategies. 2020 presents an opportunity in which the role of the early states may be significantly challenged.

The compression and acceleration of front-loading is drawing into question reliance on the momentum model in which candidates focus heavily on the first contests despite their small share of delegates. In this traditional, post-1968 momentum model, candidates try to springboard off early wins in Iowa and New Hampshire (and now) Nevada and South Carolina into Super-Tuesday with momentum and media coverage. Rivals who fare poorly, or who perform worse than expected, are forced to withdraw from the race. Obama’s claim to the nomination in 2008, for example, is traceable to his unexpected win in Iowa.  Such early successes (or failures) shape the media narrative with its traditional horse-race aspect of focusing on who is pulling ahead or falling behind, creating a feedback loop of voter excitement and enthusiasm. In 2020, candidates like Pete Buttigieg, Elizabeth Warren, and Bernie Sanders appear to be following this familiar strategy of trying to lock down early state wins to build momentum and solidify front-runner status going into Super-Tuesday.  

Joe Biden, the current leader in national polls, who is struggling to retain a lead in the these early contests appears to be taking on a different approach – building a so-called “firewall.” Here the goal is to get through the early contests without being knocked out of contention, and to bank on a big victory in a (still-early) but friendly state. Biden’s strategy appears to be to finish among the top 3 of Iowa and New Hampshire then to pull away in South Carolina where he enjoys substantially higher support from African-American voters who comprise a sizable share of the South Carolina primary electorate. A similar strategy was adopted by Rudy Giuliani in seeking the Republican nomination in 2008. Giuliani had hoped to survive the early contests and secure a big win in Florida (scheduled that year on January 29 – in a bid by the Sunshine State to challenge the primacy of the pre-primary states). With its large cache of delegates, the plan was to springboard off Florida into Super-Tuesday (February 5) with momentum. But for Giuliani it was both too late and too little (he only came in third) and he was forced to drop out of the race. 

The 2020 calendar has made a third possible approach – one which would bypass the early contests almost entirely in favor of a big Super-Tuesday win – potentially more feasible. This strategy treats Super-Tuesday (March 3) like a pseudo national primary, magnifying the campaign’s focus on this one-day event. Such is the approach being adopted by late entrant in the Democratic nominating contest, Michael Bloomberg. In combination with the calendar, Bloomberg’s great wealth gives him a significant advantage in this multi-state, geographically diverse Super-Tuesday derby. Victories in the big prizes of California and Texas would build a delegate lead and create the momentum to propel him to instant front-runner status while also creating a narrative of demonstrated electability in a general election, national face-off with Donald Trump.  

If successful, this approach would potentially break the juggernaut of the early states and put us more firmly on the path toward a national primary that Cohn sees emerging. However, the chances of this strategy being successful does not seem likely – currently polling shows Bloomberg far behind in the current leader-board. Moreover, the fact that the Democratic party awards its delegates proportionately reduces the chance that a strong showing (or even sweep) of Super-Tuesday contests would create an insurmountable lead. (Republicans, on the other hand, use winner-take-most or winner-take all rules, which translates first place finishes into the lion’s share of delegates).

Why We Don’t Have a National Primary Yet

While the pace of the 2020 calendar is faster (at least relative to 2016) and the early contests within the window are arguably more geographically balanced and demographically diverse, as long as the parties retain a sequential series of nominating contests, we will not truly have a national primary. Under a sequential front-loaded calendar, the voters in later-voting states remain at a distinct disadvantage, weilding a diminished voice (and sometimes no voice at all) in the selection of their party’s nominee. The national party organizations and key states have an incentive in retaining the contemporary system which starts off small and early. From the perspective of the voters, however, any sequential, front-loaded process will always mean that some states’ voters matter more than others – and that being earlier in the process generally translates to greater choice and influence.

Between every presidential selection cycle the national political parties, states, and state party organizations contemplate rules changes in anticipation of the next presidential selection. The requisite political support for a same-day national primary currently does not exist. We are moving closer in some ways, but compression and acceleration still does not guarantee all party members a right to full, fair, and timely participation in the process.

Learn More About It

For those readers who are not familiar with the presidential selection process a brief primer (also written by Dr. Parshall) is provided below.

You may also want to follow our blog as Dr. Wendland will be taking 5 of our students to Iowa in January 2020 to observe first-hand the retail politics in the nation’s first caucus state (Iowa kicks off the 2020 nominations with its February 3 precinct caucuses).

Both Drs. Parshall and Wendland in the History and Political Science Department have expertise in presidential nominating politics, having each authored a book and articles on the subject.

Watch also for a panel-event in April 2020 (in advance of New York’s April 28^th primary) that will feature faculty of History and Political Science Department in collaboration with colleagues from the American Studies Center at the University of Warsaw (as part of the Department’s ongoing faculty exchange through the Polish Studies Center at Daemen College). 

Overview of the Presidential Selection Process (Quick Primer)

The U.S. presidential selection process is a complex and lengthy process that starts even before the last election cycle as concluded. The process occurs in multiple stages, the first of which is the so-called “invisible primary” in which the media, political experts, and party members (i.e. voters) begin to identify prospective candidates and gauge their relative electability through public opinion polling, fund-raising, and political endorsements. No votes are being cast during this lengthy and informal stage. Rather, potential candidates test the political waters, form exploratory committees, participate in debates, and organize a campaign. Insufficient interest or support will lead many to abandon their presidential aspirations, winnowing the field of aspirants well before any binding votes are cast.

In the early months of presidential election years, states and state party organizations will hold presidential nominating contests in the form of caucuses (multi-stage meeting of party members) or primaries (intra-party elections). The contours of our contemporary nominating system were shaped by reforms enacted in 1968 in which the Democratic Party enacted rules to ensure the full, timely, and fair participation by all party members in the selection of their standard bearer.  The post-1968 reforms included the regulation of the timing of presidential nominating contests as well as the requirement that the results of the state presidential preference contests would be binding on the delegates at the national party convention. The result of these reforms was an increase in the number of states to hold primaries and increased regulation of the state delegate selection and timing rules by both national party organizations. These developments both nationalized (bringing state and state party electoral rules under national party supervision) and democratized the process (shifting control over the selection of the parties’ nominees to the party members through participation in state nominating contests).

Today, both political parties dictate timing rules by setting the date for the commencement of these state nominating contests. The Democratic National Party first set an opening of a contest window in 1980, allowing an exception for two states which historically had early nominating contests – Iowa and New Hampshire – to vote ahead of the other states. The advantage of being first and early soon became apparent and Iowa and New Hampshire have since staunchly defended their right to a waiver from the timing rules in order to protect their first-in-the-nation status. Other states, were jealous of the influence wielded by voters of these early contests pushed their nominating elections closer and closer to the front of the timing window, creating the phenomenon of Super-Tuesday – the clustering of state contests on the first Tuesday within the window. In 2012, the parties coordinated to push the start of the window back to March and adopted delegate selection rules to encourage states to spread out their contests within the window.  Every presidential cycle there is movement within the window as state legislatures and state party leaders adjusts their state’s contest date to try and secure maximum advantage (whether by joining the rush to the front of the calendar, or by identifying a calendar berth that will maximize focus on their state).   

The culmination of Stage II of the presidential selection process takes place in July/August when the parties hold their nominating conventions. Since the post-1968 reforms making the results of the primaries and caucuses binding on the state’s delegates, the national conventions are largely pro-forma affairs. That is, the winner of the nomination has already been mathematically determined and one candidate will enter the convention with majority support to clinch the nomination on the first ballot. It is also important to note that for years in which an incumbent president is running for reelection, the nominating process is largely a one-sided affair. Only rarely is a sitting president challenged for the party nomination – states still hold the nominating contests (although the president’s party may forego more expensive primaries in favor of caucuses and conventions) but the end result is rarely in question. Modern nominating conventions do serve a purpose, however, as a kick-off to the general election and as a chance for the nominee to shape the party’s platform for the upcoming general election (and  presidential term if he/she should win).

Stage III of the presidential selection process is the general election campaign in which the major party nominees compete for votes in the general election. The general election (held on the first Tuesday following the first Monday in November) is the day on which voters cast their presidential preference vote. 48 states employ the unit rule in which all of that state’s electoral college votes will be awarded to state-wide winner of the general election. 2 states (Maine and Nebraska award their electoral college votes corresponding to their Senators on the basis of the state-wide vote and their electoral college votes corresponding to their House of Representative members according to the results in that congressional district). Stage IV, the formal selection of the president (and vice-president), takes place roughly three-weeks later when the states’ electors convene in their respective state capitols. A majority of electors (270) is necessary to win the presidency. In the event that no candidate receives a majority of the electoral college votes, the presidency will be decided by the House of Representatives (with each state casting 1 vote).

The final stage of the process is reform in anticipation of the next presidential cycle. The Republican National Convention generally sets the nominating rules for the next presidential cycle at its nominating convention although they are increasingly following the Democratic National Committee’s example of tinkering with the rules at the annual national party meetings between presidential selection years.  It is during this stage of the process that the parties adjust their delegate selection and timing rules and that the state and state party organizations adjust their nominating contest rules and/or shift their primary dates. The relevant actors in both political parties generally react to the last presidential selection cycle and in anticipation of the next in order to maximize their state’s influence and/or their party’s (or incumbent president’s) chance of winning the presidency.   

Daemen students take part in Skateland Project

By Penny Messinger

During the fall semester, History students at Daemen have been at work researching the stories behind photos from Skateland, a roller skate park on Buffalo's East Side. Many of the area's African-American residents who skated there as children and adults have fond memories of the park.

Daemen students visited Rainbow Rink to connect with community members

These students were working on The Skateland Project, a collaboration between Daemen's library and archives, faculty from the English and History & Political Science Departments, and community partners in that include the RISE Collaborative, CEPA Gallery, Open Buffalo, and Barrett Gordon through the WASH Project. Daemen students enrolled in Dr. Campbell's History Workshop class took part in the project.
 

Records from the collection include a large number of photo collages of people enjoying themselves at Skateland, such as those in the image above. 


Read more about this project in this story on the RISE Collaborative's website: https://risecollaborative.com/rise/skateland

History & Political Science Students Traveling to Iowa to Observe Retail Politics

Despite the fact that candidates have been competing for the Democratic nomination for roughly one year already, and several have even dropped out, the nomination season has not officially begun.  February 3, 2020 is the official kickoff to the nomination season with Iowa caucusing for its favorite candidates.  Winning, or at least doing well, in Iowa is an important step to any candidate with hopes of becoming the nominee—especially among Democratic candidates, with the Iowa winner going on to win the nomination in every year since Bill Clinton took 4th place (out of 6 total candidates) in Iowa in 1992.  And in January 2020, 5 Daemen students and myself will be traveling to Des Moines, Iowa to get a first-hand look at why Iowa is so important in this process. 

Five History & Political Science students will be traveling with me to Des Moines, IA Jan. 16-21, 2020 to observe the importance or retail politics and learn about Iowa's role in the nomination process.  

With its vaunted status, Iowa voters tend to take their job seriously and candidates often welcome the vetting these voters provide.  Iowa voters expect candidates to visit the state repeatedly, shake hands, and convey to them that they understand the concerns of the average Iowan.  Oftentimes, Iowa voters will refuse to vote for a candidate they have not met in person, or at the very least not met with a staff member or been able to attend a rally of a particular candidate.  In fact, several Iowans will attend multiple rallies of several candidates to fully vet the candidates running for office.  And candidates tend to make this easy for Iowa voters.  Altogether, the Democrats running for the nomination have made over 1,600 appearances in Iowa over the course of 2019 thus far.  They have appeared in various cities and locales throughout the state—sometimes holding larger rallies and town hall meetings, while other times just popping in to a favorite coffee shop, restaurant, or pub. 

The value of these visits is twofold: 1) they allow voters to get a look at them in an up-close-and-personal way that advertisements and media appearances do not allow for and 2) they energize grassroots organizers and activists to volunteer for, and spread the message of, their favorite candidate.  My book, Campaigns That Matter, looks at the role of these visits in the 2008, 2012, and 2016 nomination contests and finds that visits impact a citizen’s likelihood to vote and which candidate they will ultimately vote for. 

Published by Lexington Press in 2017.  

Because Iowa plays such an important—and unique—role in the nomination process, I will be taking 5 History and Political Science students (Lindsey Hornung, Ricardo Marquez, Carlos McKnight, Tysai Washington, and Sam Williams) to Des Moines, Iowa from January 16-21, 2020 to observe the importance of retail politics.  We will be spending five days attending political rallies and town hall meetings, while also meeting with grassroots volunteers and party leaders to better understand retail politics and how much of a role they play in Iowa.  After we get back from Iowa, the five students will engage in a directed studies course, in which we will be exploring the uniqueness of the American presidential nominating process, through which they will prepare a paper for presentation at Daemen's Academic Festival on April 22, 2020.  We will be chronicling our experiences in Iowa on this blog along with our departmental social media pages, so I would encourage you all to follow along and learn with these students about how the road to the White House starts in Iowa. 

"The 25th Anniversary of the Rwandan Genocide," by Dr. Aimable Twagilimana

Dr. Aimable Twagilimana, Professor of English at Buffalo State College, delivered a lecture on the 25th anniversary of the genocide against the Tutsi ethnic group at Daemen College on November 7, 2019. The event was co-sponsored by the History & Political Science Department's History & Politics Event Series, together with Daemen's Black Student Union and African Student Organization. Dr. Joseph Sahr Sankoh, Associate Professor of Political Science, coordinated the event. 

Daemen students and community members listen to Twagilimana's lecture (source: WBFO)

 Emphasizing that "words can kill," Twagilimana noted that genocide does not "just happen," but grows from a longer process of othering a particular race or ethnic group, including the use of language that dehumanizes a target population. WBFO radio reporter Mike Desmond filed a story about Twagilimana's lecture, linked here.

The GRE and Law School

There are now over 40 U.S. law schools that will accept the GRE in lieu of the LSAT for admission into law school.

The change allows law schools to draw from a wider, more diverse pool of applicants in terms of undergraduate preparation (major) and practical/life experience. As an initiator of the change, Harvard Law School reaffirmed the value of the GRE as “a great way to reach candidates not only for law school, but for tackling the issues and opportunities society will be facing.” Allowing the GRE in place of the LSAT is thought to encourage students of more varied backgrounds to apply for law school without the additional time and expense of a separate LSAT.
So, what should you know about this new trend?
First, make sure to read each law school’s application criteria carefully – some schools are not accepting the GRE for this cycle, or will only accept the GRE for joint degree programs (programs which combine a law degree with either a master’s or doctoral degree). Even if your school of interest is on the list, you should verify which exam is required before you sign up for the GRE in place of the LSAT.

Second, if you have already taken the LSAT, schools that accept the GRE will still see your LSAT score. In other words, taking the GRE will not erase a poor LSAT score.

Third, if your first avenue of interest is law school, you should still take the LSAT. The majority of law schools are still requiring the LSAT for admission. The elite schools are leading the way; but these are also highly competitive institutions and with an even wider applicant pool, admissions rates at these schools may actually go down. As importantly, the American Bar Association (ABA) is still actively considering whether the GRE is a suitable replacement and accurate predictor of law school success. It is not a good strategy to limit or target your law school applications based on a desire to avoid the LSAT. You should identify the schools that are a good fit for you and then take the admissions test as required (which more than likely means you'll still have to take the LSAT). The new GRE rules are mostly to allow students who have taken the GRE for graduate admissions in another program to apply to these select law schools without the time or expense of taking the LSAT as well.

Fourth, the move toward the GRE does say something about who and what law schools are looking for in terms of applicants. They do look at more than just your LSAT/GRE admission test score. Your undergraduate GPA, your letters of recommendation, your personal statement, and your life and career experiences all matter. Law schools increasingly value students from diverse educational backgrounds and with a wide array of interests. So be sure to give them the whole picture and emphasize what makes your application unique.

If you are a student who will be registering to take the GRE by January 1, 2020 with the intent of also applying to law school, please contact me at lparshal@daemen.edu for a $50 discount voucher. 

I have up to 15 of these to distribute on a first come basis.

In order to receive the US $50 discount for GRE Test, students must:

• register for the General Test before January 1, 2020. It is not necessary that students take the test by January 1, 2020.
• Students can register online in their ETS Account at www.ets.org/mygre.
• Students will be required to pay US$155 at the time they register to test.
• A variety of free and low-cost test preparation materials are available at www.ets.org/gre/prepare.
• Refunds will not be issued for test takers who cancel or are absent from their test appointments. 

If you have any questions about the terms of the voucher, you may contact GRE Test via email at gretests@ets.org or by phone at 609-683-2002.

Law Schools Currently Accepting the GRE*:

American University Washington College of Law
Boston University School of Law
Brigham Young University J. Reuben Clark Law School
Brooklyn Law School
California Western School of Law
Chicago-Kent College of Law
Columbia Law School
Cornell Law School
Florida International University College of Law
Florida State University College of Law
George Mason University Antonin Scalia Law School
Georgetown University Law Center
Harvard Law School
John Marshall Law School
Massachusetts School of Law at Andover
New York University School of Law
Northwestern University Pritzker School of Law
Pace University Elisabeth Haub School of Law
Pennsylvania State University — Penn State Law
Pepperdine School of Law
Seattle University School of Law
Southern Methodist University Dedman School of Law
St. John's University School of Law
Suffolk University Law School
Texas A&M University School of Law
University at Buffalo School of Law
University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law
University of California, Davis, School of Law
University of California, Irvine School of Law
University of California, Los Angeles School of Law
University of Chicago Law School
University of Dayton School of Law
University of Hawai’i at Manoa William S. Richardson School of Law
University of Montana Alexander Blewett III School of Law
University of New Hampshire School of Law
University of Notre Dame Law School
University of Pennsylvania Law School
University of Southern California, Gould School of Law
University of South Carolina School of Law
University of Texas at Austin School of Law
University of Virginia School of Law
Wake Forest University School of Law
Washington University School of Law
Yale Law School
Yeshiva University Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law

*Note: Other institutions not on the list may accept the GRE if you are applying to a joint J.D./M.A. or J.D./Ph.D. program. This list is subject to change so always check the admissions site of the law schools to which you seek to apply. 

Registering to Vote, Early Voting and other Election Law Changes

The History & Political Science Department encourages all students, faculty, and staff to exercise their political and civil rights by registering to vote and participating in the electoral process. 

In the meantime, here is some quick information to help you understand voting in New York State with some important updates (italicized and bold print below) since its first posting:

The 2019 General Election is November 5, 2019. The last day to register in order to take part in this election is October 11, 2019 (25 days in advance).

Registering to Vote

How do I check if I'm already registered to vote or not? 

You can look up your voter registration information with the New York Board of Elections here.

How to I register to Vote? 

New York Voter Registration forms are always available through the New York State Board of Elections online here (English version) and here (Spanish version). You can also pick up a voter registration form in the History & Political Science Department. Just stop by DS 139 and ask for a blank voter registration form: we are always happy to help you with any questions you might have about the voting registration process.

Alternatively, you may register to vote through the DMV website if you have an account (i.e. drivers license or automobile registration.  

Am I Eligible to Vote? 

In order to vote you must: be a United States citizen;

•  be 18 years old by December 31 of the year in which you file this form (note: you must be 18 years old by the date of the general, primary or other election in which you want to vote); 
• live at your present address at least 30 days before an election;
• not be in prison or on parole for a felony conviction; 
• not be adjudged mentally incompetent by a court; 
• not claim the right to vote elsewhere.

At what address should I register? 

If you are a college student, you may register at either your local college address (provided you will have lived there for at least 30 days before the election) or at your home-town address. The address at which you are registered to vote will determine your polling place on election day.  So, if you want to vote at a polling place near Daemen you should register using your local (Erie County) address or fill out a change of registration card by the registration deadline. If you register to vote at your home-town address, you will need to request an absentee ballot (or travel home to vote). For example, if you are currently registered to vote in NYC and are not able to travel back to cast your ballot then you will need to apply for an absentee ballot, or change your registration to your college-residence address. 

How do I apply for an Absentee ballot?
If you are filling out a new voter registration form you can simply check the box on Item 15 in order to have an absentee ballot application sent to your local address.

If you are already registered to vote, you can request an absentee ballot from your county board of election. Absentee ballot requests forms can be found here (English) and here (Spanish).  The application request must be received by the county board of elections by mail no later than 7 days before the election (or the day before if submitted in person). For the 2019 General election this means the last date you can postmark an application for an absentee ballot is October 29. You can request one in person at the county board of elections up until November 4.

Students who are registered to vote at their non-college address should check "absent from county" when filling out your absentee ballot request form (you are unable to vote in person in the county where you are registered because you are away at college).

Wait, didn’t I hear something about no excuse voting being passed in New York?

The New York Constitution does not currently allow for no-excuse absentee voting. To change this, there needs to be a constitutional amendment. The New York legislature has started the process by passing legislation to change the constitution to allow for no-excuse absentee voting. This law will have to be passed in the next legislative session and then be formally submitted to the voters of New York for ratification – this is the process for constitutional amendment. So, for now, voting absentee requires an excuse. 

See here for complete information on absentee voting.

If you do not want to worry about voting absentee, remember that you may also choose to fill out a new voter registration form to update/change your registration to your local (Erie County) address, as long as you will have lived there at least 30 days before the election in which you are seeking to vote.  

What do I do with my completed voter registration form? 

Once you've filled out and signed the form you should then mail it to the county board of elections (county in which you are registering to vote). In Erie County, the address is: 134 West Eagle St., Buffalo, NY 14202.  You can look up the addresses for other New York counties here.

What is the deadline for registering to vote in the 2019 General Election (November 5, 2019)? 

Voter Registration forms must be postmarked no later than October 11, 2019 and received by a county Board of Elections no later than October 16 in order for you to be eligible to vote in the General Election on November 5.

You may also register in person at the Erie County Board of Elections on 134 West Eagle St. in Buffalo or at any Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV) up to October 26, 2019.

What happens after I mail in my voter registration form? 

Once the board of elections has received the form, they will process the registration and you will receive your voter registration card in the mail (at the address you listed on the form). If you registered through the DMV website, it may take a little longer for the board of elections to receive the transfer of information and process your registration. 

Your voter identification card will list the polling location where you must report to vote based on your registration address. If you misplace the card, or haven't yet received it, you may look up your registration/polling place information with the New York State Board of Elections here. 

I already registered, how do I change or update my information/address?
New York recently passed laws to make your voting registration more portable with electronic voting rolls/database. But it is still a good idea to always fill out a new voter registration form when you move. You can update or change your name or address at any time simply by filling out a new voter registration form and mailing it, same as above, to your county Board of Elections. You can also fill out a new form to change your party registration, but please note that in New York, party membership changes will not be processed until after the next general election (see below).

Should I register as a member of a political party (i.e., declare party affiliation)?
In New York you may only vote in a political party's primary (nominating) elections if you are a registered member of that political party. So, if you want to vote in the primary elections, you should select the box to register for the party in whose primaries you wish to regularly participate. This is Box 14 of the voter registration form. Checking a box means that you will be recorded as member of that party and will be eligible to vote in that party's primary elections (and only that party's primary elections).  

If you do not wish to affiliate with a political party (i.e, you want to be registered as an independent), you should check “No Party” at Box 14. New York law currently does not let unaffiliated voters participate in partisan primary elections. Be aware that New York has an organized “Independence Party” -- if you check that box it does not mean you are registering as an independent, it means you wish to be a registered member of the Independence Party.  

Can I change political parties?

You can change your party affiliation by filling out a new voter registration form. Update: New York just changed the rules for partisan affiliation changes, you now have until February 14, 2020 if you want to change your partisan affiliation (from unaffiliated to party member, or from one party to another) in advance of the 2020 presidential preference primary (scheduled for April 28, 2020). 

If you think you might want to vote in a partisan presidential primary in 2020 (that is, you want to have a vote in choosing the party’s presidential nominee), you should register with the party in whose primary you will want to participate before February 14, 2020. New York’s presidential preference primaries are currently scheduled for April 28 2020.

See here for information on changing your party registration. 

If I register with a political party does that mean I’m stuck voting for their candidate in the general election?

No.  Registering as a member of a political party only affects your eligibility to vote in that party’s partisan primary elections (these are intra-party elections that are held before the general election in which the party members decide which candidate to nominate). In a primary election, only registered members of that party can receive the party’s ballot and may vote on which person they want to be the party’s nominee.

Declaring partisan affiliation does not in any way affect which candidate or party you may vote for in the general election. In the general election, everyone receives the same ballot with the candidates of all parties listed. You may vote for whichever candidate/party you prefer for each race in the secrecy of the ballot box. You may vote a so-called straight ticket (vote for all of a particular party’s candidates) or split your ticket (cast a vote for which ever candidate you like best for each office – i.e. vote for the Republican candidate for some offices and the Democratic candidate for others). 

Voting: How does it all Work?

Early Voting in New York!

For the first time voters in New York can take advantage of an early voting period. For the 2019 General Election (November 5), the early voting period is October 26 to November 3, 2019. Early voting works a little differently. To vote early, you must report to a designated early voting site, the location and hours of which will be determined by each county. So, you will want to check the board of elections website for the county in which you are registered to vote. The process is simple – you will have to sign the poll book (which may be a paper book or electronic). You will receive a ballot and instructions on how to submit your ballot in the available scanner. There will be a sample ballot posted you can refer to before receiving your official ballot and casting your vote.

To vote early you still have to be registered to vote. The voter registration deadline is October 11, 2019. You do not need an excuse to vote early in the general election – it is an option for your convenience.

Update: Time Saving Tip: When early voting, if you take your voter registration card with you they can use the bar code on the back to more quickly retrieve your voter registration information in the electronic rolls. The early voting sites will not, in most cases, be your regular polling site. A list of early voting locations in Erie County can be found here: https://www.elections.erie.gov/early-voting/

Is my early voting ballot counted early? No, your ballot will be counted along with the ballots cast on November 5. You only get to vote once—if you vote early, you have cast your ballot and do not get to vote again or “change your vote” by voting on election day.  

What if I run into a problem trying to vote early?

As on election day: if, for any reason, you are told you are not registered or eligible to vote, you may ask for a provisional (or affidavit) ballot – this allows you to case a provisional vote. The Board of Elections will review your registration and qualifications and, if it is determined that you are in fact entitled to vote, your provisional ballot will be counted. If they determine that you are not entitled to cast a vote, they will destroy the ballot. 

Election Day Voting

On election day, you must report to the designated polling place for the address at which you are registered to vote. If you are not sure where your polling place is, or you lost your voter registration card, you may look up your information here.

In New York, POLLS OPEN AT 6 AM - CLOSE AT 9 PM on election day.

What if I'm not able to go to my polling place on the day of the election?
If you know that you will not able to report to your registered polling place on election day for any of the reasons listed below, then you will need to request an absentee (mail in) ballot in advance. Information on requesting an absentee (mail-in) ballot, along with the absentee ballot request form, can be found here. The completed absentee ballot application must be mailed to your county board no later than the seventh day before the election or, if delivered in person, no later than the day before the election.

You are eligible to vote absentee if you are: 

•  Absent from your county or, if a resident of New York City, absent from said city, on Election Day. 
• Unable to appear at the polls due to temporary or permanent illness or disability; or because you are the primary care giver of one or more individuals who are ill or physically disabled. 
• A patient or inmate in a Veterans' Administration Hospital. 
• Detained in jail awaiting Grand Jury action or confined in prison after conviction for an offense other than a felony.

Students should check "absent from county" when filling out your absentee ballot request form. The county board of elections will process the request and mail you an absentee ballot at the address you indicate on the request application.

For the November 5, 2019 General Election, the last day to postmark your absentee ballot request is October 29, 2019. The last day to make an in-person absentee ballot request is November 4.

The absentee ballot itself will be mailed to you and you must return it to cast your vote. Absentee ballots must be post-marked by November 4 (or may be delivered in person by November 5) to the appropriate county board of elections.

I have never voted before, what can I expect? 

There will be trained poll workers to assist you at the polling place. Generally, there is a line/table with poll workers where you check in. The voter registration rolls are divided by precinct – your precinct number is indicated on your voter registration card. If you do not know it, just tell the poll worker where you live (the address at which you are registered to vote) and they will tell you which table at which to check-in. The poll workers will check the voter registration rolls for your name.

Once you are verified as properly registered (i.e. you are listed in the voter roll), you will be asked to sign the poll book and will be given a ballot and necessary directions by the poll workers as to the voting process. Erie County uses a DS 200 ballot scanner. You will be given a paper ballot (usually in a privacy folder) and directed to booth or area where you complete the ballot in privacy behind a cardboard screen.  You will then feed the completed paper ballot into a scanning machine in order to have it counted.  A poll worker will be standing by in case you have any trouble with the machine. A video on the process can be found here. You can find information on the various voting equipment used in other New York counties here.  If you encounter any difficulties, just ask a designated poll worker for assistance. 

Do I need photo (or other) ID to vote? 

New York does not have a voter ID requirement but it does not hurt to have some form of ID with you when you go to the polls in the event your identity, signature, or eligibility is challenged by a poll worker. 

Update: First time voters are recommended to bring ID to the polls as some election inspectors will verify ID for first time voters. 

What if I am turned away at the polls or told I am not registered to vote? 

If, for whatever reason, a poll worker tells you that you are not eligible to vote and you believe that this is an error and that you are lawfully entitled to vote, you may ask for a provisional ballot.  

Provisional ballots are set aside until the Board of Elections clarifies your eligibility/registration status. If it is determined that you are legally entitled to vote, your ballot will be counted.  If it is determined that you are not eligible/properly registered, the ballot will be destroyed.  

You will be asked to fill out/sign an affidavit as to your eligibility/status when casting a provisional ballot.

Is there anything else I should know about going to the polling site?
Polling places will usually have a sample ballot posted near the entrance or registration desk. If you want a chance to study before you receive your official ballot, ask if there is a sample ballot you can look at prior to getting in line to vote.

New York prohibits electioneering in and around poling places, so leave any campaign paraphernalia behind and do not wear clothing with partisan labels, slogans, or candidate names into the polling place to avoid being asked to leave. There are sometimes partisan poll watchers present. These are members of a political party who observe voting for procedural irregularities or equipment issues. They should not interfere with your casting of your ballot. If anyone approaches you or challenges you, ask to speak to a poll worker and/or the poll supervisor. If you go with a buddy, you cannot fill out your ballots together. If anyone asks you for help with voting, direct them to speak with a poll worker.

Also you should not take voting selfies or pictures with your cell phone near or around the voting machines. Some polling places do have really cool stickers that say "I voted" -- slap one on and take your selfie after you've left the polling place.

What if I'm working on Election Day? 

New York does not allow voting by absentee ballot due to your work schedule, but it does entitle all workers who do not have at least four consecutive hours free during the period in which the polls are open, to take time off of work (without a loss of pay for up to two hours) in order to vote. Please note that the law requires that you notify your employer and verify eligibility at least 2 days (but no earlier than 10 days) before election day.  You can read the law here and should consult with your employer.

Alternatively, you can take advantage of the early voting period!

What if I'm Out of State Resident/Voter? 

If you are not a New York state resident, you may register to vote by completing the National Mail Voter Registration Form: http://www.eac.gov/voter_resources/register_to_vote.aspx.

You may also contact your State's board of elections for state-specific information on registration and absentee voting rules in your state of residency. 

Information for Military and Overseas Federal Voting can be found here.

Also new for 2019: Protecting Victims of Domestic Violence

New York law allows victims of domestic violence who obtain a court order from NY Supreme Court, Family Court or County Court in the county where they are registered to have their voter registration record kept separate and apart from other registration records and not be made available for inspection or copying by the public or any other person, except election officials acting within the course and scope of their official duties. Under a separate section of the law (11-306), you can also be excused from going to your polling place to vote and get a special ballot. For further information, you should contact your local board of elections for their confidential registration and special ballot procedures.

Still have questions?
Feel free to stop by the History & Political Science Department for help. We're always happy to answer your question or help direct you to the right place to get information.  And remember, you can always contact the NY State Board of Elections, or the Erie County Board of Elections, directly for voter registration assistance. 

Regeneration: Jewish Life in Poland

The Elizabeth C. and Peter Tower Gallery at Daemen College will host the American premier of the photography exhibit, Re-generation. Jewish Life in Poland featuring photos of Chuck Fishman. An opening reception for the exhibit will be held on September 12th from 5:00 - 7:00 p.m at the gallery located in the Haberman Gacioch Arts Center at Daemen College (4380 Main Street, Amherst NY).  The exhibit will be on display from September 12 - October 11, 2019.  Regular gallery hours are 9:00 a.m.-5:00 p.m. Monday through Friday. The exhibit and events surrounding it are free and open to the public

The extensive exhibit documents the rebirth of Jewish life in Poland, featuring photos which span over 40 years beginning in 1975. It provides one of the most comprehensive records of European Jewry of the last 50 years and the enormous impact the 1989 rise of the Third Polish Republic had on the revival of Jewish communities and the revival of the consciousness of history among the wider community in Poland. Once home to the largest Jewish community in  Europe, Germany’s 1939 invasion and Hitler’s Final Solution virtually obliterated the Jewish community and the rich Jewish culture Poland once knew.  Journalist Ruth Ellen Gruber notes that Mr. Fishman set out in the 1970s and 80s to capture the “final chapter” of this storied 1000 year history and has joyfully failed as he is “now chronicling an expanding, multi-faceted and ever-unfolding story - and long may he do so!” 

RELATED EVENTS

A preview documentary, Bogdan’s Journey, about one man’s effort toward healing the wounds of the 1946 Kielce Pogrom, will be shown on Monday, September 9th at 7:00 p.m. at the Maxine and Robert Seller Theater located in the Jewish Community Center, Benderson Family Building, 2640 North Forest Road in Getzville.  

On Friday, September 13th at 1:00 p.m. Daemen’s Wick Alumni Lounge will be the site of a panel discussion with guest panelists Jakub Nowakowski, Executive Director of the Galicia Jewish Museum in Krakow who coordinated the exhibit’s visit to the United States; Dr. Sean Martin, the Associate Curator for Jewish History at Western Reserve Historical Society in Cleveland; and award-winning Buffalo journalist Rich Kellman, who reported on developments in Poland in the 1970s and 1980s.  A screening of the documentary, A Town Called Brzostek, about the restoration of the Jewish Cemetery there, will also be shown during the panel event.  

An additional documentary, The Return, about being young and Jewish in Poland today, will be screened on Tuesday, September 17th at 7:00 p.m. at the Research and Information Commons (RIC) 120 on the Daemen Campus. The exhibition gallery will be open on September 17^th until 7:00 pm.

This project is co-financed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland as a part of the “Public Diplomacy 2019” program and is made possible by the Galicia Jewish Museum, and sponsorships from the Visual and Performing Arts Department, the Center for Polish Studies and the History & Political Science Department at Daemen College, the Permanent Chair of Polish Culture at Canisius College, the Buffalo Jewish Community Relations Council, the Jewish Community Center of Greater Buffalo, and the Holocaust Resource Center of Buffalo.